When the NDA launched its ‘India Shining’ campaign in 2004 as their election drum roll, little did they know that it’s the last time the Sun was to shine on their revered Lotus for a long time to come. Over the past 7 years we have witnessed a steady decline in the power of the opposition. BJP’s performance in the following election was nothing more than a formality of an opposition. India boasts of being the largest democracy in the world, a republic by the people, for the people and by the people. And a quintessential part of this democracy is the power of a strong opposition in the house.
A government enjoying absolute power or retained position for long is the sign of a week democracy no matter how big its size. We have witnessed the ills of such governance during the India of seventies. With the congress busy shining it armors and sharpening its swords for the prince’s honor battle in 2013, it is important to understand the country now deserves a far stronger opposition than it requires a stable government.
With the tragic end of their chief strategist Pramod Mahajan, the BJP started crumbling like a house of cards. It was well known in the power lanes of Delhi that Mahajan was not just the chief communicator for the party during its days in power, but also proved to be an important facilitator for all dealings necessary for a party’s sustenance.
By the time of Mahajan’s death Uma Bharti had already been suspended and would have been shown the door, if the RSS had not intervened. With two Politburo of Vajpayee’s core committee taken away from the party, the house already seemed paltry to external blows. This was the time when Jaswant Sinha’s book created rouge waves amongst the party lines and the ship seemed to be on its way to the bottom.
Also the party’s iron man entangled in criminal cases due to the same Babri Masjid massacre that shot the party to its current influence, the BJP needed to re-invent itself. Former party President Rajnath Singh was an ideal gatekeeper ensuring minimum action in and against the party. In the 2009 elections congress almost emerged as the single largest party and did not blink before forming the government at the centre with its alliance.
As Yiddish proverb quotes “If you have nothing to lose, you can try everything.” In its efforts to counter the threat from the young prince’s well chiseled army the BJP has handed the reigns in the hands of its untainted and reformist leader – Nitin Gadkari. I first heard of Mr. Gadkari when he was credited with the concept of constructing more than 50 flyovers in the city of Mumbai (None is one above the other…they run parallel above the roads, giving ample space for the poor and the homeless).
Mr. Gadkari seems to be getting the house of Lotus in order with estranged senior leaders taking the same flight of thought (quite literally). LK Advani took along Uma Bharti to Raipur to attend a memorial ceremony for Chief Minister Raman Singh’s father — just as he had taken Jaswant Singh with him to Jaipur for the funeral of Bhairon Singh Shekhawat. Also on the flight to Raipur were Rajnath Singh and Ravi Shankar Prasad. Sources said both Madhya Pradesh CM Shivraj Singh Chouhan and party state unit chief Prabhat Jha are opposed to Bharti’s return. So are central leaders Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley. Even though its is not yet clear if Ms. Bharti or Mr. Singh would return to their parent organisation, leaders from both sides of the organisation refuse to comment on its status, fueling speculations and to some extent increasing Congress high command’s anxiety.
Another positive sign came in the form of India’s most celebrated lawyer Ram Jethmalani’s Rajya Sabha candidature and victory. Mr. Jethmalani who had criticized the BJP government during 2004 Godhra riots had distanced himself from the political faction while attending Jaswant’s book launch, but a change of mind and the recent elevation to the lower house of parliament seemed to have done the trick for the 80+ opinionated lawyer. In a recent interview to an electronic channel Mr. Jethmalani not only defended BJP’s policies on various issues but blamed the congress government for widespread corruption and appealed for a stronger united opposition under the BJP leadership.
Apart from the national tug of war Gadkari might find it toughest to deal with his home crowd, the Munde factor. With the untimely demise of his mentor, friend and brother-in-law Pramod Mahajan, Mr. Munde was obviously eyeing a higher post within the party cadre; add to that the mass following enjoyed by this politician from the OBC population in the state of Maharashtra. Munde was however disgruntled to find out that three years after his big opportunity, he had been surpassed for a politician who held a much junior portfolio in Alliance government in Maharashtra in which Munde played the deputy Chief minister. Now with the tables turned it’s would be a delicate balance both the leaders would have to maintain to stay in party’s favour and in power.
What sets Gadkari apart from his predecessors is the fact that instead of making peace with their regional alliance parties he is toiling their strengths in their own backyards. The Patna Rally on June 13 was an example of Gadkari’s message to the members of the saffron alliance. The rally was marked by hundreds of vehicles and BJP, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal and Rashtriya Swayamseavak Sangha workers welcome Narendra Modi on his arrival. They shouted slogans 'Narendra Modi Jindabad' with posters, banners and flags of the party in their hands. A ‘state guest’ who received 45 minutes of speaking time on the podium where the party’s high command and other dignitaries inclusive of other chief minister’s present on dais had an allotted 15 minutes each is indicative of the strategist Gadkari’s plans for the 2013 election’s poster boy. Playing the field in Bihar was equally important as it was the Alliance JD (U) leader Nitish Kumar who has been categorically distancing himself with Modi’s success in Gujrat and avoiding Modi’s visit to Bihar for campaigning in the previous elections. Nitish even went to the limit of cancelling dinner for the top brass of the BJP in disapproval of an advertisement featuring him with Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi and another on Gujarat's aid during the floods two years ago. The JD (U) has its eye on the Muslim votes in the state and cannot afford to be seen as a pro-hindutva organisation. On the other hand JD (U) would never be able to withhold the congress and its alliance by itself in Bihar. It was reported that Nitin Gadkari sent BJP’s sweet boy Shahnawaz Hussain to the JD (U) head quarters with a ‘strong message’. The messaging worked "Our alliance and relationship is quite old...An unpleasant incident took place yesterday. It has passed...," JD(U) President Sharad Yadav while addressing a media outlet post Hussain’s visit. With the Swabhiman Rally being accorded as a success for BJP’s two day executive meet, the message is clear Gadkari first wants to deal with internal crisis and set equations straight with friends before charging the field.
With national elections a full tenure away, Mr. Gadkari seems to be wasting no time in gathering support from the minorities, an appeal from the BJP president to Muslims was a peripetia of sorts for many. This said, a constant mention of BJP’s pro-muslim policies and soft standing the minority issues suggests Gadkari’s stand on party’s future policies. A conscious communication plan to push a secular image might not be such a bad idea; however Gadkari’s challenge would be to emulate Mr. Modi as an acceptable PM candidate. Modi’s hearing in the riot’s case was no surprise to the political analyst as it needed to be proved that he was investigated, questioned and answerable to the Janata. He has come out unscrapped, untouched and clean.
During an interview r. Gadkari had said, “I want to change the politics of power. Politics for progress and development is my agenda.” We could only hope that Mr. Gadkari truly believes and is able to achieve his agenda.
If Mr. Gandhi Jr. has what it takes to become a prime minister the people of the Republic of India will decide his fate. The family which has sacrificed members from the past two generations in the service of the country might get a chance to enthrone their newest member in politics to the highest seat in India’s executive government body. Our sincere hope at the time should be of a far stronger opposition than the paltry representation we see now. As it is the opposition that truly represents the public in the house through their questions, making the government answerable. Ends
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